Friday, June 28, 2013

UPDATE: Critical Relations between International Relations and Islam (8th Pan-European Conference on IR)




Theme: One International Relations or Many? Multiple Worlds, Multiple Crises
Wednesday 18 – Saturday 21 September 2013
Warsaw, Poland

Organised by the ECPR Standing Group on International Relations and EISA in cooperation with the Institute of International Relations, University of Warsaw and the Polish Association for International Studies.

Critical Relations between International Relations and Islam
Section Chair: Nassef Manabilang Adiong

Summary of the modified program:

Addendum:

Dr. Turan Kayaoglu withdrew his participation. Thus, Mr. Adiong has to fill in panel FB06-5 so it won't be collapsed. For a panel to be included in the program it must have at least 3 paper presenters. Assoc.

Dr. Rolin G. Mainuddin will be the new discussant for panel TB06-1.

Dr. Jan Wilkens is the new discussant for panel FD06-6.

Dr. Fikret Birdişli and Dr. Seyedhossein Zarhani are the new chair and discussant for panel TC06-3, respectively.


Session
FB06-5: IR and Islam: Muslim Political Thought, International Society, and GCC
Time: Friday, 20/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Maria do Céu de Pinho Ferreira Pinto, University of Minho
Discussant: Katerina Dalacoura, London School of Economics
Presentations
Islamist Norm Entrepreneurs in International Society: Why, How and When do Religious Norms Diffuse in Liberal International Organizations?
Gregorio Bettiza1Filippo Dionigi2
1European University Institute (EUI); 2London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)

Regional integration and crises on the Persian Gulf Sub-region. Casus of Gulf Cooperation Council
Wojciech Jerzy Grabowski
Gdansk University, Poland

The United Nations in Muslim Political Thought and Discourse
Turan Kayaoglu
University of Washington, United States of America


Session
FD06-6: IR and Islam: Arab Spring, Democracy, and Islamist Conceptions of Political Life
Time: Friday, 20/Sep/2013: 4:15pm - 6:00pm
Chair: Rolin G. Mainuddin, North Carolina Central University
Discussant: Maurits Berger, Leiden University
Presentations
Modernity, Secularism and ‘Islamic’ Conceptions of Democracy: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
Katerina Dalacoura
London School of Economics, United Kingdom

The Islamist discourse under scrutiny in the aftermath of the Arab Spring: an analysis of key Islamist conceptions of political life
Maria do Céu Pinto
University of Minho, Portugal

“Foreign Policy Dynamics of Regime Change from the Arab Spring: Is There An Islamist Threat?"
Rolin G. Mainuddin
North Carolina Central University, United States of America


Session
SA06-7: IR and Islam: Turkey's Political Islam and Foreign Policy
Time: Saturday, 21/Sep/2013: 9:00am - 10:45am
Chair: Gül Ceylan Tok, Kocaeli University
Discussant: Can Zeyrek, University of Marburg
Presentations
Approaches to Political Islam in Turkey: A Gramscian Challenge
Gorkem Altinors
University of Nottingham, United Kingdom

Political Islam as elite Ideology in Turkish Foreign Policy-Making?
Zenon Tziarras
University of Warwick, United Kingdom

Turkey’s Political Islam and the West
Galip Dalay
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Turkey

Turkey’s Recent Foreign Policy and Davutoğlu’s Role as an Islamic Intellectual
Istar Gozaydin
Dogus University, Istanbul, Turkey


Session
SB06-8: IR and Islam: Politics of Gender, Collective Identity, Neo-Patrimonialism, and Desecuritization
Time: Saturday, 21/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Gorkem Altinors, University of Nottingham
Discussant: Istar Gozaydin, Dogus University, Istanbul
Presentations
From Threat Perception to the Model Collaboration: Desecuritisation of the Relationship Between Turkey and Other Islamic Countries
Fikret Birdişli1, Ahmet Karadag2
1Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey; 2Inonu University, Turkey

Gender Ideology of Turkey’s AKP: ‘the Good and Bad Daughters’ in Perspective
Gül Ceylan Tok
Kocaeli University, Turkey

The Patriarch's Guidance to Europe? - The 'Post-Political' Rise of Islamic Collective Identity in Turkey & Gradual Manifestation of Modern Neo-Patrimonialism at the Governance Level
Can Zeyrek
University of Marburg, Germany


Session
TB06-1: IR and Islam: Geopolitics of Iran and Iraq, Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem, and Velayate-e Faqih
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Naveed Sheikh, Keele University
Discussant: Turan Kayaoglu, University of Washington
Presentations
Geography, Shi‘ism, and Islam in the Geopolitics and International Relations of Iran and Iraq: Frameworks and Layers of Understandings
Raffaele Mauriello
Sapienza, University of Rome, Italy

A Constructivist study on the Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem
Seyedhossein Zarhani
Heidelberg Uiversity, Germany

velayate-e faqih and the nuclear issue
Rania Mohamed Taher Abdul-Wahab
Ain Shams University, Egypt


Session
TC06-3: IR and Islam: Theoretical Notions, Conceptual Approaches, and Paradigms
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 2:00pm - 3:45pm
Chair: Maurits Berger, Leiden University
Discussant: Mohammed Ayoob, Michigan State University
Presentations
"Islam" and the problem of meta-narratives in IR - A critical perspective on research beyond the West
Jan Wilkens
University of Hamburg, Germany

The Minaret vs. the Ivory Tower: Re-Reading Western IR Theory Through an Islamic Episteme
Naveed Sheikh
Editor-in-Chief, Politics, Religion & Ideology (Routledge), Keele University, United Kingdom

“The parting of the ways”: a Qutbian approach to International Relations
Carimo Mohomed
New University of Lisbon - Portugal, Portugal

CAM Analysis of Nation-State in IR and Islam
Nassef Manabilang Adiong
IR-IS Research Cohort


Session
TD06-4: IR and Islam: Depiction of Prophet Muhammad, Problem of Cultural Incommensurability, and Muslim Countries Relations with France and UK
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 4:15pm - 6:00pm
Chair: Stefan Borg, Swedish Institute for International Affairs
Discussant: Raffaele Mauriello, Sapienza, University of Rome
Presentations
Depiction of Prophet Muhammad And The right to freedom of expression.
Mahmoud Hegazy Bassal
Faculty of Law , Helwan University,Egypt

Human Rights, the Arab Revolutions and the Problem of Cultural Incommensurability
Stefan Borg
Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden

Muslims and Foreign Policy in France and Great-Britain
Imène Ajala
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Centre on Conflict, Development and Peacebuilding (CCDP)Geneva, Switzerland

FB06-5: IR and Islam: Muslim Political Thought, International Society, and GCC




Session
FB06-5: IR and Islam: Muslim Political Thought, International Society, and GCC
Time: Friday, 20/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Maria do Céu de Pinho Ferreira Pinto, University of Minho
Discussant: Katerina Dalacoura, London School of Economics
Presentations
Islamist Norm Entrepreneurs in International Society: Why, How and When do Religious Norms Diffuse in Liberal International Organizations?
Gregorio Bettiza1Filippo Dionigi2
1European University Institute (EUI); 2London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)

Regional integration and crises on the Persian Gulf Sub-region. Casus of Gulf Cooperation Council
Wojciech Jerzy Grabowski
Gdansk University, Poland

The United Nations in Muslim Political Thought and Discourse
Turan Kayaoglu
University of Washington, United States of America

Islamist Norm Entrepreneurs in International Society: Why, How and When do Religious Norms Diffuse in Liberal International Organizations?
Gregorio Bettiza is currently a Max Weber Postdoctoral Fellow at the European University Institute (EUI). Gregorio holds PhD in International Relations from LSE and his research focuses on religion and secularism in international relations. And, Filippo Dionigi is currently Fellow at the London School of Economics (LSE). Filippo holds PhD in International Relations from LSE and is interested in research on international norms and Islamist movements especially in the Middle East.

Constructivist scholars have systematically neglected the mechanisms of diffusion of religiously based non-Western norms in liberal settings. In recent decades the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has become an increasingly influential international actor through which Muslim-majority states channel their normative concerns in international society. In particular the OIC has become actively engaged in promoting international norms that challenge, often from an Islamic perspective, hegemonic secular liberal values embedded within the institutions of international society. The paper focuses on two norms that the OIC has attempted to promote within the United Nations (UN) since the 1990s. The first are “dialogue of civilizations” norms. These were successfully institutionalized in 2005, after gathering substantial backing from Western states, with a major UN initiative, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations. The second are “religious defamation” norms. These, instead, were relentlessly opposed by Western states and led only to a minor and vague initiative largely outside the UN’s purview in 2011, the Istanbul Process. What explains these diverging results? The paper contends that religiously based non-Western norms have the greatest chances of being fully institutionalized within the UN, an international organization deeply embedded in and constitutive of the liberal international order, only when they can be effectively “translated” into secular liberal norms

Regional Integration and Crises on the Persian Gulf Sub-region. Casus of Gulf Cooperation Council
Dr. Wojciech Jerzy Grabowski, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor in the Political Science Institute (Asian and African States section) at Gdansk University. He is the author of the monograph “Muslim fundamentalism in the Middle East” and of many articles on various subject matters in the international relations field, especially regional, Middle Eastern order, role of Islam and fundamentalism in politics, influence of terrorism on the states functioning. He was involved in EU grants dedicated to these issues and NATO workshops dedicated perseverance of terrorism: focus on leaders. Currently, he is involved in exploring regionalization processes in the Persian Gulf sub-region. He is a member of the Polish Association of International Studies and European Institute of Security.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) helps to constitute boundaries of inclusion and exclusion that strengthen six states in the region, characterized by revisionist powers. By participants of the GCC it is viewed as an institution leading sub-region to the broader Arab unity. During the Gulf War 1990/91 participating states were not willing to resolve common, sub-regional problem, but they were looking for the help from non-Arab states. Processes of the regionalization help to generalize conditions or people within sub-regional boundaries speaking about Gulf policies, business, identity opposed to Arab spheres of activities. The GCC poses a forum of exchange of political views. But the GCC stands in front of challenges of the inclusion non-dynastic Yemen and post-Saddam Iraq which would have significant consequences for the security and economic fields of the sub-region. One of the problem of the organization is unfulfilled promises which damage credibility of the organization. This may poses real threat to the objectives of the GCC. The basic question I will try to find an answer to is: does the GCC guarantee security to its members in the broad sense or does the GCC member-states have to seek the security through bilateral agreements with external powers?

The United Nations in Muslim Political Thought and Discourse
Prof. Dr. Turan Kayaoglu (Associate Professor of International Relations, Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, University of Washington, Tacoma)

This paper analyzes four views on Muslim engagement in the United Nations: rejectionist, realist, Islamic-conservatives, and liberal. The rejectionist views the Muslim engagement with the UN as harmful to the Muslim cause because the UN rests on values such as state sovereignty, secularism, and cooperation incompatible with Islamic political values such as the umma, shari’ah, and dar-ul Islam versus dar-ul Harb. The realist also rejects the Muslim engagement with the UN not because of its incompatibility with Islamic values but because of the imbalance of power within the UN between the great powers and Muslim-majority states. Specifically, the American influence over the UN combined with the deep resentment of American politics towards the Muslim world prompts this group to be very cynical about the UN. The Islamic-conservative views the UN as a forum which can be utilized to demonstrate and defend the truth of Islam and to protect and promote Muslim interest by influencing its normative and political structure. The liberal perspective views the UN useful not just for serving to Muslim interests but for the common good of broader international community.

FD06-6: IR and Islam: Arab Spring, Democracy, and Islamist Conceptions of Political Life




Session
FD06-6: IR and Islam: Arab Spring, Democracy, and Islamist Conceptions of Political Life
Time: Friday, 20/Sep/2013: 4:15pm - 6:00pm
Chair: Rolin G. Mainuddin, North Carolina Central University
Discussant: Maurits Berger, Leiden University
Presentations
Modernity, Secularism and ‘Islamic’ Conceptions of Democracy: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
Katerina Dalacoura
London School of Economics, United Kingdom

The Islamist discourse under scrutiny in the aftermath of the Arab Spring: an analysis of key Islamist conceptions of political life
Maria do Céu Pinto
University of Minho, Portugal

“Foreign Policy Dynamics of Regime Change from the Arab Spring: Is There An Islamist Threat?"
Rolin G. Mainuddin
North Carolina Central University, United States of America

Modernity, Secularism and ‘Islamic’ Conceptions of Democracy: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
Prof. Dr. Katerina Dalacoura is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Is democracy a Western concept, inapplicable to other cultures? Are conceptions of democracy across the globe incongruous with one another? Such questions have long been debated but, more often than not, on rather abstract ideational, theological or philosophical levels. This paper complements these important discussions by focusing on concrete proposals by an Islamist political actor on how the term ‘democracy’ is understood. Specifically, the article draws material from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s reaction to the Bush administration’s democracy promotion policies in the Middle East in the post 9/11 period, and its 2007 political party platform, to demonstrate that an ‘Islamic’ conception of democracy is shaped by history and ideology in the modern and secular context of the nation-state.

The Islamist Discourse under Scrutiny in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: An Analysis of Key Islamist Conceptions of Political Life
Prof. Maria do Céu de Pinho Ferreira Pinto (University of Minho, Portugal)

For many decades, political Islamists have benefited from a privileged position, since they acted as the only option to the existing Arab regimes, building on the rejection of the status quo without elaborating on their alternative. They did not need to come up with specific policy prescriptions and, in fact, could hardly provide a clear scenario for society and the political process should they come to power. But once competing for elections and taking on the responsibility to govern, they will be forced to explain their political rationale. This paper offers a critical exploration of the impact the new political and social conditions are having on Islamist political concepts. The electoral success of Islamist parties will put pressure on them to, at long last, define the relation between theory and practice. We will reflect on the implications of the uprisings on the Islamist movements’ evolution, namely their concepts of democracy, the civil state, the separation of powers, and the Sharia and human rights.

Foreign Policy Dynamics of Regime Change from the Arab Spring: Is there an Islamist Threat?
Dr. Rolin Mainuddin is Associate Professor of political science at North Carolina Central University, USA.

Without ruling out democracy in Muslim societies, Samuel Huntington found “din wa-dawla”—the intermingling of religious and political communities—a major challenge. Hrair Dekmejian and Judith Miller had expressed fear, given the lack of a democratic tradition in the Middle East, that after coming to office through elections Muslim political parties—“Islamists”—will scuttle the democratic process itself to stay in power. Yet, the Justice and Democratic Party (AKP) in Turkey did not end democratic institutions following electoral victory in 2002. While denying the United States the use of its territory for military operations against an Arab Muslim country, and being assertive with Israel on regional issues, the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan has not changed the basic security structure of Turkey’s membership in NATO. In spite of demonstrating pragmatism so far after winning the 2011 elections, will Mohamed Morsi and his Freedom and Justice Party—affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood—take Egypt on a divergent path? Is there any danger to the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty? What about United States relations with Turkey or the GCC countries? This paper will address the question of a perceived “Islamist” threat to United States national security interest in the MENA region.

SA06-7: IR and Islam: Turkey's Political Islam and Foreign Policy




Session
SA06-7: IR and Islam: Turkey's Political Islam and Foreign Policy
Time: Saturday, 21/Sep/2013: 9:00am - 10:45am
Chair: Gül Ceylan Tok, Kocaeli University
Discussant: Can Zeyrek, University of Marburg
Presentations
Approaches to Political Islam in Turkey: A Gramscian Challenge
Gorkem Altinors
University of Nottingham, United Kingdom

Political Islam as elite Ideology in Turkish Foreign Policy-Making?
Zenon Tziarras
University of Warwick, United Kingdom

Turkey’s Political Islam and the West
Galip Dalay
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Turkey

Turkey’s Recent Foreign Policy and Davutoğlu’s Role as an Islamic Intellectual
Istar Gozaydin
Dogus University, Istanbul, Turkey

Approaches to Political Islam in Turkey: A Gramscian Challenge
Gorkem Altinors (University of Nottingham, UK)

This presentation will demonstrate how the rise of political Islam in Turkey is understood by the mainstream academia and how Gramscian terminology (especially the integral state) would help us to illustrate power relations among neoliberal restructuring of the state within the state and civil society relations. Basically, existing literature on political Islam will be critically evaluated in this presentation. It would not be quite convenient to compare Turkey with other Islamic states because its own sui generis features such as its early and relatively high level of industrialisation, and its early but profound class contradictions and conflicts within it. Therefore this research will be primarily focussed on Turkish case and discussions among political Islam have been limited within the literature on Turkey in this research. The literature is separated into three basic subtitles as follows: state-centric approaches, society-centric approaches and institution-centric approaches. In the first one, there is an abstract assumption of strong state tradition which conflicts with civil society as if they are antagonistic entities. The second one accepts the strong state tradition as given, but there is more emphasis on civil society within identity-based issues. Finally, third one provides limited analysis of the fact since it is kept only within institutional level. The presentation will draw a Gramscian understanding of the state after the critical evaluation of mainstream approaches. In this context, it will be questioned that how the state and civil society relations should be considered in order to carry out a class-based analysis and how the rise of political Islam in Turkey should be comprehended within neoliberalism.

Political Islam as Elite Ideology in Turkish Foreign Policy-Making?
Zenon Tziarras (University of Warwick, UK)

It has been widely debated whether the AKP and especially its leaders are ideologically driven. In this context, much has been written about how the writings of FM Davutoğlu, and the speeches of PM Erdoğan and President Gül, prove Turkey’s Islamic orientation and its leaders’ distinct perception of the West. Thus, although the AKP officially calls itself ‘conservative democrat’, many authors try either to prove the party’s ideological Islamist roots, or support its democratic character. To the end of contributing to this debate, this paper tries to answer two fundamental questions: what is the ideology of the AKP elite? To what extent does the AKP elite ideology influence Turkish foreign policy (TFP)? In answering the first question we first clarify whether there is an ideology or not; then, we make a distinction between the ideology of the AKP as a whole and the ideology of the policy-makers and officials, as expressed publicly. To examine the impact of ideology we empirically look at TFP towards Israel and Syria. The conclusion is that the AKP elite does have an ideology, based on political Islam; yet, its impact on foreign policy is limited as it is constrained by various material interests.

Turkey’s Political Islam and the West
Galip Dalay is working for Political Research Department of SETA Foundation and pursuing a PhD degree in International Relations at Middle East Technical University, Ankara.

From the Welfare Party (WP) to the Justice and Development Party (JDP), foreign policies of Islamic parties have attracted disproportionate scrutiny. One of the focal points has been their approach to the West and Western-oriented institutions.  This article, based on Jack S. Levy’s concept of learning in foreign policy, is divided into periods to better show the evolution of foreign policy perspectives: the Welfare Party period, the Virtue Party in transition, and the first (2002 – 2006), second (2006 – 2010/11), and third (2011 - ) periods of JDP rule. I argue that from WP rule until the JDP’s first period in power, these parties’ approach to the West has been largely motivated by domestic considerations for different reasons. The WP defined the West as its Islamist identity’s “other” and sought to create an alternative framework; the JDP regarded the West as an instrument to gain legitimacy, both domestically and internationally. Yet, in its second term, the JDP attempted to balance its Western focused foreign policy with alternative complementary frameworks to achieve a more prominent international role. However, the JDP’s third term has been shaped by the Arab Spring and characterised by uncertainty about Turkey’s relations with the west. Hence, JDP rule has seen the emergence of a newly outward-facing political Islam in Turkey.

Turkey’s Recent Foreign Policy and Davutoğlu’s Role as an Islamic Intellectual
Prof. Dr. İştar Gözaydın is a professor of law and politics at Doğuş University, Istanbul.

There is little doubt that Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey’s current Minister of Foreign Affairs of pro-Islamic AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi), is the major driving force of Turkey’s ‘proactive and multi-dimensional’ foreign policy, even though the foundations for his regional foreign policy go back to 1980’s. Yet, it was Ahmet Davutoğlu who embedded this Ottoman reference into a reconsideration of the role of the West and of Turkey from a decidedly Islamic or intellectual-Islamist position. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, is also an academic of political science that has published several boks, and articles. Especially his book Strategic Depth is a very influential book in Turkey's foreign policy orientation. He is very influential in the military, academic, and government triangle shaping Turkish foreign policy. Professor Davutoğlu was granted a title of ambassador by the joint decision of President then Ahmet Necdet Sezer and Prime Minister at that time Abdullah Gül in 2003. As an ambassador Davutoğlu was one of the leading actors on behalf of the Turkish government during the shuttle diplomacy for the settlement of 2008 Israel–Gaza conflict. In this paper I will scrutinize through his works how Davutoğlu as a scholar perceives the fields of Islam and international relations.

SB06-8: IR and Islam: Politics of Gender, Collective Identity, Neo-Patrimonialism, and Desecuritization




Session
SB06-8: IR and Islam: Politics of Gender, Collective Identity, Neo-Patrimonialism, and Desecuritization
Time: Saturday, 21/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Gorkem Altinors, University of Nottingham
Discussant: Istar Gozaydin, Dogus University, Istanbul
Presentations
From Threat Perception to the Model Collaboration: Desecuritisation of the Relationship Between Turkey and Other Islamic Countries
Fikret Birdişli1, Ahmet Karadag2
1Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey; 2Inonu University, Turkey

Gender Ideology of Turkey’s AKP: ‘the Good and Bad Daughters’ in Perspective
Gül Ceylan Tok
Kocaeli University, Turkey

The Patriarch's Guidance to Europe? - The 'Post-Political' Rise of Islamic Collective Identity in Turkey & Gradual Manifestation of Modern Neo-Patrimonialism at the Governance Level
Can Zeyrek
University of Marburg, Germany

From Threat Perception to the Model Collaboration: Desecuritisation of the Relationship between Turkey and other Islamic Countries
Dr. Fikret Birdişli (Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam University, Turkey)

Ottoman Empire has been a kind of “Security Community” by taking of the most of Islamic Countries under its sovereignty for a long time. So It can be said that Ottoman Empire has achieved Karl W. Deutch’s economic orientated “Security Community” model in the context of political scene. But mutual socio economic and politic relationship between Turkey and other Islamic Countries has been at the minimal level after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Founders of Republic was percept the cultural and traditional legacy of the Ottoman Empire as a threat to the ideal of Westernization. Other Islamic countries also not welcome the new policies of Republic of Turkey because they perceived Turkey is turning his face from Islamic traditions. Disconnection between Middle Eastern countries and Turkey causes to two main problems. First, rising of the radicalism and second, regional insecurity. But as a parallel of conjectural changing in Middle East in the last decade, the relationship getting better between Turkey and other Islamic Countries. So this paper focused on question of “How to effect this development rising of the radicalism and the regional security”. This research depends on constructivist approach and used Securisation, Regional Security Complex Theory and Security Community Theory” of Karl W. Deutch.

Gender Ideology of Turkey’s AKP: ‘the Good and Bad Daughters’ in Perspective
Dr. Gül Ceylan Tok (Kocaeli University, Turkey)

Turkey’s AKP which is conventionally portrayed as the most successful example of ‘moderate’ political Islam has demonstrated significant difference from earlier Islamist parties by electing significant number of women to the parliament since 2002 elections (13 in 2002, 29 in 2007 and 45 in 2011). This paper seeks to provide an in-depth analysis about the gender ideology of the AKP by dealing with the following questions: ‘How has the AKP approached to the gender equality?’, ‘What kinds of policies have been adopted by the AKP government in order to dis/empower women in education, employment and political participation?’ This paper demonstrates that the gender ideology of the AKP depicts motherhood as an ideal role for women, and since the education of women is in conformity with this ideology, the government has introduced measures to promote higher education of women. However it has not introduced any significant measure to encourage female labor participation and political participation as women working outside the house does not comply with its ideology. The paper illustrates the discursive formation in Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan’s statements about the ‘good daughters’ who accept the ideal role of motherhood and ‘bad daughters’ who resist this role and ask for gender equality. An interesting finding of this paper is that even the headscarved women can be depicted as ‘bad daughters’ in the AKP’s discourse when a group of headscarved women launched a campaign for the election of covered women to the parliament before 2011 national elections.

The Patriarch's Guidance to Europe? - The 'Post-Political' Rise of Islamic Collective Identity in Turkey & Gradual Manifestation of Modern Neo-Patrimonialism at the Governance Level
Dr. Can Zeyrek (University of Marburg, Germany)

Modern Neo-Patrimonialism and Post-Politics. These are theoretical approaches discussed to a lesser extent in the EU candidate country Turkey in comparison to the discourse in Western Europe. But there is also a lack of in-depth transformation studies on Turkey resorting pre-eminently to the above mentioned approaches and theories of transformation studies and autocracy research in the West. This paper relies upon theories of political transition and autocracy research with a specific focus on the ‘post-political’ rise or Zeitgeist of Islam and its impact on the regime in times of (power) change at the Bosphorus. Now, Post-Politics describes a ‘consensual’ form of democracy with an anti-political vision, refusing the acknowledgement of the antagonistic dimension constitutive of ‘the political’. Its aim is the establishment of a world ‘beyond left and right’ and ‘beyond antagonism’. In the specific case of Turkey, political Islam seems to serve the gradual curtailment of the antagonistic potential existing in society through government’s strong hand. As a consequence, neo-patrimonial elements are gradually creeping in and manifesting itself at the regime level. In this paper the impact of the features of ‘Post-Political’ Islam on the antagonism in the area of politics and society will be analyzed.

TB06-1: IR and Islam: Geopolitics of Iran and Iraq, Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem, and Velayate-e Faqih




Addendum: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Rolin G. Mainuddin wii be the new discussant for panel TB06-1.

Session
TB06-1: IR and Islam: Geopolitics of Iran and Iraq, Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem, and Velayate-e Faqih
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 11:15am - 1:00pm
Chair: Naveed Sheikh, Keele University
Discussant: Turan Kayaoglu, University of Washington
Presentations
Geography, Shi‘ism, and Islam in the Geopolitics and International Relations of Iran and Iraq: Frameworks and Layers of Understandings
Raffaele Mauriello
Sapienza, University of Rome, Italy

A Constructivist study on the Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem
Seyedhossein Zarhani
Heidelberg Uiversity, Germany

velayate-e faqih and the nuclear issue
Rania Mohamed Taher Abdul-Wahab
Ain Shams University, Egypt

Geography, Shi‘ism, and Islam in the Geopolitics and International Relations of Iran and Iraq: Frameworks and Layers of Understandings
Dr. Raffaele Mauriello (born July 1974) is an Italian historian of the modern Middle East. He holds a PhD in Islamic Civilization: History and Philology from the Sapienza, University of Rome (Italy). He has published several peer-reviewed essays on Shi'a Islam history and on Iranian and Iraqi geopolitical affairs and is a translator of both Arabic and Persian. In 2013, he was awarded the World Prize for the Book of the Year of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of Islamic Studies.

Reflecting the growing influence of Shi‘i Islam experts in determining U.S. foreign policy toward the Muslim world, early in his first term in office Obama appointed Vali Nasr as Senior Advisor to the U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Already facing the existing difficulties of developing a workable idea of an Islamic IR theory, scholars, practitioners, and students of IR have however shown little coherent understanding and structured knowledge of Shi‘itology. A field of enquiry in its own right, this used to belong exclusively to a few scholars of Islamic Studies within the Euro-American academia but is increasingly unavoidable for anyone interested in deciphering current Islamic political discourses and the dynamics gradually dominating contemporary international relations. This paper delineates and conceptualizes some major frameworks and layers of understandings IR scholars should be aware of when researching the geopolitics and international relations of countries with a significant Shi‘a presence, taking as case study Iran and Iraq. In particular, it problematizes the different and possibly alternative roles that geography, Shi‘ism, and Islam play in the geopolitics of these countries.

A Constructivist Study on the Israeli-Iranian Nuclear Problem
Seyed Hossein Zarhani, M.A. (PhD Researcher, Department of Political Science, South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University)

This study seeks to examine how constructivism can help to deep our understanding of the Israeli-Iranian conflict over Iran’s nuclear program. In doing so, the basic tenets of constructivism is unpacked to identify which aspects of the constructivist approach to seeing social reality as derived from the shared understandings of actors would be most suited to this particular case study. Focusing on the manner in which actors create and maintain identities, both for themselves and others, through language use in realm of discourse, the identities of Iran and the Israel is shown to be mutually constituted; that is, the identity of one was, in part (for given contexts), formed in relation to the identity of the other. The central question that this study seeks to answer is: how can the application of a social constructivist approach to the Israeli-Iranian conflict over Iran’s nuclear program enhance our understanding of the nature of this conflict? This study goes beyond Realism to explore the dynamics of the cultural and religious underpinnings of the “clash of narratives” that shape the dynamics of nuclear confrontation between Israel and Iran. This paper compares the ways in which Israelis and Iranians utilize sacred text, myths, tradition, national-religious historiography, and “selective memory” to construct and promote their identification with ancient cultures, traditions, and historic grievances. In addition, this study highlights the ways in which Israelis and Iranians use the negative stereotypes of one another especially in nuclear issues to brand and demonize the opponents. This study finally shows the constructivist approach to the Israeli-Iranian conflict over Iran’s nuclear program can expand our understanding of that encounter by underlining the ways in which actors and their representations of any given situation are constructed, rather than being objectively given.

Velayate-E Faqih and the Nuclear Issue
Dr. Rania Mohamed Taher Abdul-Wahab (Ain Shams University, Egypt)

There has been an increasing assertion of the velayat-e-faqih in Iranian politics in recent years. This has led to tensions between them and the presidential office in Iran. Against this backdrop, this article seeks to analyse the constitutional position of the velayat-e-faqih and how it has interacted with other institutions to shape Iranian foreign policy and taking a decisions in nuclear issue. The article critically analyses the relationship between the velayat-e-faqih and different popularly elected presidents. so this study will consists of the following:
first: historical background of Iranian nuclear program and its developments.
second:motivations that encourged iran to acquire nuclear program
third:the role of velayate-e faqih in building iranian nuclear program
fourth: International responses toward Iranian nuclear program
conclusion.

TC06-3: IR and Islam: Theoretical Notions, Conceptual Approaches, and Paradigms




Session
TC06-3: IR and Islam: Theoretical Notions, Conceptual Approaches, and Paradigms
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 2:00pm - 3:45pm
Chair: Maurits Berger, Leiden University
Discussant: Mohammed Ayoob, Michigan State University
Presentations
"Islam" and the problem of meta-narratives in IR - A critical perspective on research beyond the West
Jan Wilkens
University of Hamburg, Germany

The Minaret vs. the Ivory Tower: Re-Reading Western IR Theory Through an Islamic Episteme
Naveed Sheikh
Editor-in-Chief, Politics, Religion & Ideology (Routledge), Keele University, United Kingdom

“The parting of the ways”: a Qutbian approach to International Relations
Carimo Mohomed
New University of Lisbon - Portugal, Portugal

CAM Analysis of Nation-State in IR and Islam
Nassef Manabilang Adiong
IR-IS Research Cohort

"Islam" and the Problem of Meta-Narratives in IR - A Critical Perspective on Research beyond the West
Jan Wilkens is a PhD candidate and researcher in the Project “Constitutionalism Unbound – Developing triangulation for International Relations” at the University of Hamburg, Germany.

“Islam” in particular as well as “the MENA region” more generally continue to be research objects that are often reflected upon in the light of specific grand narratives. “Orientalism”, “Clash of Civilisations”, and the “Arab Spring” are not only indicative of the ambiguous position of “Islam” in varying discourses but also shows its particular relevance within IR due to its meaning in the global realm. Does the requirement to develop an Islamic or Middle Eastern IR theory logically follow? This paper argues that such an endeavour would rather reinforce meta-theoretical narratives and eventually perpetuate Middle Eastern exceptionalism. Instead, this paper seeks to contribute to critical IR theory which accounts for the ‘situatedness’ of meaning that shapes social practices in a particular context. Further, in an increasingly globalised world that harbours more and more constitutionalised structures on a global scale, the question of legitimacy has to be substantially addressed. Thus, the paper proceeds in three steps: First, it critically assesses predominant IR theories (tacitly) working with normative assumptions, e.g the Westphalian system, and thus producing positivistic scholarship based upon “Western principles”. Second, it will be shown that a turn to reflexive scholarship and interpretive methods in IR not only allow to better assess the diverse practices that are related to “Islam” in different contexts but also constitute the basis to critically approach the question of legitimacy. Third, the discourses during the Syrian uprising will empirically highlight the theoretical claim.

The Minaret vs. the Ivory Tower: Re-Reading Western IR Theory through an Islamic Episteme
Dr. Naveed Sheikh (Keele University, UK)

While much scholarly attention has in recent decades been placed on situating religion in general, and Islam in particular, into Western-dominated IR theory--invariably as an attempt to tame the analytically unspeakable and transform Geisteswissenschaft to Socialwissenschaft--little has sofar been said in terms of Islam's own normativity in relation to established IR paradigms. The present paper seeks to answer the question of how Islam, qua ethico-nomocentric ideational form, would read the state of art in contemporary IR theory. Drawing on Islam's own intellectual history pertaining to the questions of power, rights and statecraft--from the Constitution of the Medinan Prophetocracy to the meditations of Abbasid jurists on the nature of politics---but tempered also by that Islamic orthopraxy of which Islamic politics is an extension, the paper provides a critical inquiry into both the ontology and epistemology of Realism and other schools of contemporary IR theory from an Islamicate position. What is at stake in this examination is whether Islam, as a theologically anchored Weltanschauung, provides a fundamentally dissident discourse about the nature of international relations relative to the assumptions implicit in leading IR theories, or whether Islamic normativity, just like Islamist politics, is co-optable in relation to post-Westphalian paradigms of world politics. The answer to this question has implications not only for the intellectual debates surrounding late-modernity's hybrid social forms but also for the broader question of regional and indeed world order in an age characterized by the political ascendancy of Islam.

“The Parting of the Ways”: A Qutbian Approach to International Relations
Dr. Carimo Mohomed (Officer Research Committee 43 (Religion and Politics) - International Political Science Association

In the last chapter of his book Social Justice in Islam, Sayyid Qutb asked about the direction the world was going, and wished to go, after two world wars. He also considered that the real struggle was between Islam on the one hand and the combined camps of Communist Russia (Soviet Union) and the West (Europe and America) on the other. From Qutb’s point of view, Islam was the true power that opposed the strength of the materialistic philosophy and possessed a universal theory of life which could be offered to mankind, a theory whose aims were a complete mutual help among all men and a true mutual responsibility in society. Sixty years after the first edition of his seminal work, the world is a different place with the Soviet Union no longer in place, the Arab world going through profound changes, the West becoming parochial, and the Rest asserting itself. Using Sayyid Qutb’s political theory, this paper will try to assess how a new, and different, International Relations practice could become viable and surpass an anachronistic world order established after the end of the 1939-1945 war.

CAM Analysis of Nation-State in IR and Islam
Nassef Manabilang Adiong (Founder, IR-IS Research Cohort)

The elemental subject of this study is the concept of ‘nation-state’ but delimited within the bounds of two disciplines, i.e. International Relations (IR) and Islamic Studies (IS), particularly Political Islam and Jurisprudence. This is in part of the author’s aim of contributing to the evolving literature on the relation of IR and religion in the 21st century. The defining problem lies in the vagueness of interpretations and understanding on the conceptualization of nation-state in those mentioned disciplines while subsequently reaching a ‘via media’ of understanding. To ameliorate our focal understanding, the proponent selected two frameworks: 1) a selective mainstream theoretical IR survey, i.e. Liberalism, Realism, and Social Constructivism only, and 2) Islamic jurisprudential and political understanding of nation-state. It will humbly try to examine, analyze, and decipher the origin, idea, and operationalization of nation-state in IR and IslStud by the usage of Comparative Analytical Method (CAM). Three data analytical or coding stages under CAM will be operationalized: the first stage is setting the Textual Codes via alpha-numerical representation next is processing the Arithmetical Codes and the last step is determining the Categorical Codes. Through these CAM codes, the inferential chart of ‘compare and contrast’ will compose the result of data analysis. Thus, allowing us to categorically pinpoint inferences of similarities and differences, and further it through the use of analytical induction, which is, inducing it to specific facts or imperative details. In generalization, there were foreseen differences and/or similarities on the notions of level of analysis, sovereignty, citizenship, and territoriality.

TD06-4: IR and Islam: Depiction of Prophet Muhammad, Problem of Cultural Incommensurability, and Muslim Countries Relations with France and UK




Session
TD06-4: IR and Islam: Depiction of Prophet Muhammad, Problem of Cultural Incommensurability, and Muslim Countries Relations with France and UK
Time: Thursday, 19/Sep/2013: 4:15pm - 6:00pm
Chair: Stefan Borg, Swedish Institute for International Affairs
Discussant: Raffaele Mauriello, Sapienza, University of Rome
Presentations
Depiction of Prophet Muhammad And The right to freedom of expression.
Mahmoud Hegazy Bassal
Faculty of Law , Helwan University,Egypt

Human Rights, the Arab Revolutions and the Problem of Cultural Incommensurability
Stefan Borg
Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden

Muslims and Foreign Policy in France and Great-Britain
Imène Ajala
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Centre on Conflict, Development and Peacebuilding (CCDP)Geneva, Switzerland

Depiction of Prophet Muhammad and the Right to Freedom of Expression
Dr. Mahmoud Hegazy Bassal (Faculty of Law, Helwan University, Cairo, Egypt)

The right to freedom of expression as stated in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights(UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights(ICCPR), which is subject to limitations to be determined by law, as stated in Article 29 of the UDHR and Article 19 of ICCPR. In practice questions were raised concerning the right to freedom of expression, namely: Does the depiction of Prophet Muhammad, in the west, constitute an abuse of the right to freedom of expression, in international Human Rights Law and Islamic Law “Sharia”? And if so, did the concerned states fulfill their international obligations with this regard? On the other side, was Muslims’ reaction Consistent with the provisions of Islamic law and international law? The answer of the above mentioned questions will be the subject matter of a paper that will try to shed light on the depiction of Prophet Muhammad in the west in accordance to International Human Rights Law and Sharia Law.

Human Rights, the Arab Revolutions and the Problem of Cultural Incommensurability
Dr. Stefan Borg (Swedish Institute for International Affairs, Sweden)

A fair amount of the official statements from governments, media coverage, as well as policy analysis undertaken by think-tanks in the West, have tended to perceive the Arab Revolutions as manifestations of long repressed desires for human rights and individual dignity. The - rather unproblematic- remedy for those localities then become Western-style liberal democracies and free market economies. Various critical observers have been skeptical of such interpretive dispositions, and tended to view them as appropriations of a Liberal Reason which respects no epistemic or ethical boundaries. The paper seeks to clarify what is at stake in those starkly different positions. No doubt, when observers interpret the Arab Revolutions in a vocabulary of human rights, democracy, and secularism derived from the Western experience of secular modernity, this may obscure the ontotheological roots of such notions themselves. It is far from clear that the language of human rights is easily translatable to cultural settings rooted in Islamic cosmologies. However, rather than lapsing into a facile relativism, what I would like to do in this paper, is to explore the possibilities of inter-cultural communication that is attentive to the inherent power/knowledge nexus, but at the same time seeks communicative openings, and even commonalities in how contested signifiers such as human rights are understood.

Muslims and Foreign Policy in France and Great-Britain
Dr. Imène Ajala (Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland)

A broad range of literature in the United States is dedicated to ethnic lobbying and foreign policy. In Europe, though the range of literature dedicated to Muslims is broad, it has never been looked at from this angle. The basic question guiding this paper, based on my doctoral dissertation, is thus: how have the presence and mobilization of Muslims in Europe affected foreign-policy making? To this end, two countries standing for two opposite models of integration, namely assimilation and multiculturalism, constitute the case studies and allow for a comparative study: France and Great Britain. A conceptual model based on basic game theoretical assumptions and instruments of measure of political influence is used as a grid to systematically analyze the case studies. A set of elements to be investigated empirically are derived from the model to guide the exploration of the case studies which constitute the focus of this paper. Empirical investigations look at the presence of Muslims in each country and their characteristics, the model of integration, the resources of the group in terms of electoral impact and institutional organization. Four elements are then emphasized to understand Muslim communities and their relation to foreign policy debates in both countries: their preferences, their influence attempts, their access to the decisions sphere and the reactions of decision-makers.